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'So if you can find me some more vets like [Dr Lee Boon Yang, Cheng Tong Fatt, Chin Siat Yoon, Ngiam Tong Tau], please tell me. I will invite them to tea.' Speech by PM Lee Hsien Loong, at the Parliamentary Debate on Civil Service Salary Revisions, 11 Apr 2007.
Heavenly Sword once described how he hoped that his personal blog would be a pleasant place where guests could come to enjoy civil conversation over a cup of (cyber-)tea. It is a metaphor which I found and continue to find inspiring. However, the dominant connotation of the tea session in Singapore is as a tool of assessment and recruitment by the PAP and is mentioned at least thrice in PM Lee's above-mentioned speech. This is an image which I find rather less inspiring, having come to associate it - via my own imperfect and jaundiced perspective - with the image of the vampiric transfusion of fresh, young blood to perpetuate an old order.
Self-Renewal
In his article 'Embodying Society's Best: Hegel and the Singapore State' in the Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol.36 No.3 (2006), [pp.283-304], Terence Chong dedicates a section to 'The Self Renewal of the PAP State' [pp.298-301] in which he emphasizes how Gramscian hegemonic interpretations have not adequately addressed the PAP State's success with the recruitment, grooming and retention of talent. He notes how its leadership is obsessed with the procurement of youthful vigour:
'The political leadership must, therefore, rejuvenate itself with the infusion of younger men and women who are able to connect and empathise with them.' Speech by Mr Wong Kan Seng, Minister for Home Affairs and MP for Bishan-Toa Payoh GRC at the Bishan East National Day Dinner, 7 Aug 2004.
Rejuvenation through infusion invokes the image of bared fangs against necks and the empathising that comes from staring into hypnotic bloodshot eyes; it is the renewal of the Self, the Old Self rather than to acknowledge the political Other or the Stranger. After all, the objective of such infusions of new blood is not to change in order to address the aspirations and concerns of the new generation but to manage them, to give sustenance to the old hegemonic project.
Or what Yao Souchou, in his recently published book, has called '"the totalitarian ambition": the unfulfilled desire to define and shape all human aspirations and all things social and political.' [Singapore: The State and the culture of excess (Oxon, Routledge: 2007), p.176] This imagery is fed by the perception that previously critical figures who have been co-opted now work to fulfill that totalitarian ambition, as if under the spell of the prime/senior/mentor vampire, with promises of superhuman powers and the eternal life sustained by carefully selected providers of fresh blood.
Metaphorical Corpses
'Following this [selection] process, the Singaporean elite was littered with the metaphorical corpses of political discards and there was a heightened degree of passive hostility to involvement in government by much of the nation's elite.' Ross Worthington, Governance in Singapore (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), p.60.
Even as bloggers discuss the political need for, effectiveness or broadened definition of an alternative elite, Worthington suggests that many have either refused the call to tea or accepted and have been ruthlessly discarded - but to what extent are they really 'metaphorical corpses'? Worthington has accurately captured the strange political deaths of these 'discards' but his account also reinforces the ruling party's discursive power in deciding who is or isn't talented by repeating and reaffirming its interpretations as pragmatic realism conflated with reality and thus shutting out other possibilities.
The recirculation, in varying degrees, of these metaphorical corposes back into civil/civic society indicates that these metaphorical corpses continue to shuffle about. Some may have been drained completely like ghouls or zombies. Others may yet have more political life and fight in them still, returning from their interview/date with the/a vampire with a better understanding of the inner workings of the coven and its vampire lords. Perhaps a more interesting question would be: can such metaphorical corpses be reanimated into political life? What will be the best strategies to get them to defect?
The Undying National Father
'Even from my sickbed, even if you are going to lower me into the grave and I feel something is going wrong, I will get up.' Mr Lee Kuan Yew, quoted in the Straits Times, 15 August 1988.
This 'touch of the ghoulish' is quoted by and explicated by Yao:
'...the undying National Father remains richly meaningful. Nothing is more suggestive of the wise benevolence of the elderly than their unceasing duty of care - even from the grave... If the National Father is symbolic of all that is constant and good, then he has to live on for ever. His eternal life freezes all the principles that he has bestowed on the nation, and refurbishes the national ethos in danger by the end of [H]istory. The National Father of eternal life halts the end of [H]istory and, through his continuing, energetic cajoling, arrests the end of human struggle as a meaningful and fertile undertaking for the future.' [pp.175-6]
In the context of the imagery of this post, such vigour and energy is not indicative of eternal life but of eternal undeath. The hegemonic discourse constantly urges Singaporeans to change, to upgrade, to adapt, and yet the reverse applies to the loci of the hegemonic project which emphasizes preservation, conservation, fixity; not because of but despite of, in defiance of the dawn. And such is the power of wise benevolence that the sun has been kept at bay despite occasionally the barest hints of an eventual false dawn. Perhaps this too shall pass but there is no inevitability that the sun will rise, contingent as it is on historical and social factors as well as on invitation to tea and its myriad aftermaths.


Comments (5)
I like your analogy with the vampire. It does remind me of my paladin days in the Advanced Dungeons and Dragons role playing game.
Okay, back to the more serious discussion:
1. The present way of sustaining the PAP system is economics. If we expect all the players (whether they are politically affliated to any other party) to be rational, then the rewards (both tangible or intangible) form part of the pact with the ruling party.
2. Unless the opposition party are getting candidates who are self-sustainable, they are not going to be able to fight the current hegemony head on. Of course, given many cases of well-established people taking on opposition parties got tore apart, it is difficult for any rational player to consider coming into the political game.
3. A lot of people don't realize that the affluent and non-political group tend to be center right if they will to choose a political ideology. That means that the political party they favour will be one that charges them the least corporate taxes and create the infrastructure most favourable for businesses. Without guessing, you just realize that one sector of the so-called "alternative elite" is already subconsciously aligned with the ruling party (perhaps they may be non-politically aligned in nature).
Posted by Bernard Leong
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June 11, 2007 12:44 PM
Bernard - re your pt 3, so if the "affluent and non-political group" tends to be centre-right, then what political inclination would you say the "not-so-affluent and non-political group" is?
Given that most S'poreans are non-political and voting in S'pore is compulsory, reaching out to these two non-political groups would be one of the keys to winning elections in S'pore, no?
Posted by Gerald | June 12, 2007 1:21 PM
BL, ah good memories. I used to be a mage meself. The vampire analogy was used to look at the renewal metaphor in another light, given that IMHO the PAP represents political stasis rather than development.
1. Perhaps it's not economics on its own but a subtle mix of success (credited to the PAP rather than Singaporeans) and anxiety (need for the PAP's continued guiding hand against our general uselessness) - what Yao Souchou has called the 'culture of excess'.
2. Did you mean 'well-established individuals taking on opposition candidatures' or 'taking on the PAP' got torn apart? If so, some cases e.g. Chia Shi Teck underline how the need to balance maverick personalities with organizational discipline in order to make political impact.
3. Gerald has raised the question that I wanted to ask too. Surely that latter group is also in the majority?
Posted by ringisei | June 12, 2007 1:52 PM
Gerald,
If I follow my own reasoning, the "not so affluent and non-political group" should tends towards the centre left or the left side of the political spectrum, i.e. policies that favour the working classes in healthcare, education and the trade unions who wants higher minimum wages. In reality, it's more complex than that. In Singapore, the not so affluent and non-political group has already aligned to the ruling party by an entity called NTUC. It is that entanglement of the establishment with the trade unions that made it more difficult for the opposition to win that ground.
The only group which the opposition can compete on is the center right group, because they are independent and might join them because of social calling. The last election showed a WP fielding this group of center right types.
At the end of the day, to win elections in Singapore is not in the net but in the grassroots. Whichever party that have a strong grassroots and able to canvass people to vote for them on election day wins the game. That's the only rule in election that stands across the ages.
In any case, it's just my own opinion to how the political landscape in Singapore.
Posted by Bernard Leong
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June 12, 2007 2:01 PM
Ringisei,
Cool, being a mage is fun. Heard from friends now Dungeons and Dragons is now an open source game. We can chat about that when we meet up sometime in the future.
Chia Shi Teck's case is slightly different from CSJ, Francis Seow and Tang Liang Hong from the opposition parties. He was contesting for a elected presidency that even he wins, as a president, it is only a ceremonial role with an additional responsibility to safeguard the reserves, as compared to a member of parliament who may have the capability of drafting new legislation and policies that affects everyone.
Actually, since Gerald is here, I might just make the suggestion that one possibility for people like Ngiam Tong How who keeps harping about the formation of alternative elite, is that he go and contest for the elected presidency the next time round.
Posted by Bernard Leong
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June 12, 2007 2:12 PM